Thursday, December 29, 2011

On the Demise of Jesus and the Prospect of His Return

Relevant Qur’anic Passages

The following Qur’anic verses are relevant to a discussion of whether or not Jesus died and if he would come to this world for a second time.
 
3:55 Lo! God said: "O Jesus! Verily, I shall cause thee to die, and shall exalt thee unto Me, and cleanse thee of [the presence of] those who are bent on denying the truth; and I shall place those who follow thee [far] above those who are bent on denying the truth, unto the Day of Resurrection. In the end, unto Me you all must return, and I shall judge between you with regard to all on which you were wont to differ.
4:157 and their boast, "Behold, we have slain the Christ Jesus, son of Mary, [who claimed to be] an apostle of God!" However, they did not slay him, and neither did they crucify him, but it only seemed to them [as if it had been] so; and, verily, those who hold conflict­ing views thereon are indeed confused, having no [real] knowledge thereof, and following mere con­jecture. For, of a certainty, they did not slay him: 4:158 nay, God exalted him unto Himself – and God is indeed almighty, wise.
5:116 AND LO! God said: O Jesus, son of Mary! Didst thou say unto men, `Worship me and my mother as deities beside God'?" [Jesus] answered: "Limitless art Thou in Thy glory! It would not have been possible for me to say what I had no right to [say]! Had I said this, Thou wouldst indeed have known it! Thou knowest all that is within myself, whereas I know not what is in Thy Self. Verily, it is Thou alone who fully knowest all the things that are beyond the reach of a created being's perception. 5:117 Nothing did I tell them beyond what Thou didst bid me [to say]: 'Worship God, [who is] my Sustainer as well as your Sustainer.' And I bore witness to what they did as long as I dwelt in their midst; but since Thou hast caused me to die, Thou alone hast been their keeper: for Thou art witness unto everything.
43:61 AND, BEHOLD, this is indeed a means to know the Last Hour; hence, have no doubt whatever about it, and follow Me: this [alone] is a straight way.

Why some people think Jesus did not die

Ḥadīth reports attributed to Muhammad (may God's blessings and peace be upon him), at least some of which are believed to have sound chains of narrators, provide the basis for widespread Muslim belief that Jesus is still alive and shall return to this world before the end of time. Some of these reports have occurred in the Ṣaḥīḥayn of Bukhārī and Muslim.

Qur’an, on the other hand, does not support the view in clear terms. If anything, some Qur’anic āyāt actually suggest that Jesus has died – most notably 3:55 and 5:117, which we will discuss in the next section.

Interestingly, however, commentators and translators of Qur’an have interpreted a number of Qur’anic āyāt in light of what they have learned from ḥadīth reports concerning the ascent of Jesus and his return. The āyāt are thus made “consistent” with what ḥadīth reports have to say on this matter. Once made consistent with relevant body of ḥadīth, āyāt that were otherwise suggestive of Jesus’s demise (such as 3:55 and 5:117) are neutralized, and some other āyāt (like 4:157–158 and 43:61) start looking like independent evidence of the return of a Jesus who is still alive.

Thus, 4:157–158 are often cited as “evidence” of the alleged fact that Jesus has not died. The āyāt clearly suggest that the Jews failed to kill/crucify Jesus as they had wished, for God raised Jesus unto Himself. But that does not mean Jesus could not have died otherwise – especially if the suggestion of Jesus’s demise in 3:55 and 5:117 is considered. That God “raised” Jesus to Himself does not by itself suggest that Jesus was raised “alive”. After all, people who die also “ascend” unto God. Yet, a lay Muslim reader who reads these āyāt in isolation from other āyāt that suggest demise of Jesus and who has believed all his life that Jesus Christ will return to save the ummah from the fitnah of Dajjāl is liable to think of “bal rafa‘ahū ilayhi” as an evidence of the ascent of a living Jesus unto God.

43:61 is another āyah of Qur’an that has started looking like evidence of the return of Jesus in its own right. The short āyah uses at least three pronouns – wa‑inna la‑‘ilm lil‑sā‘ah fa‑lā tamtarunna bi‑ wa‑ittabi‘ūni – that lend to a variety of interpretations. Literally, the āyah may be translated as “And he/it is indeed knowledge of the Last Hour, so doubt it not, and follow me – this is the straight path!” Particularly, the first (wa‑inna) of the three pronouns poses a difficulty in interpretation. Thus, commentators have differed over who/what is a means to know the Last Hour. Many translators and commentators have thought of this pronoun as a reference to Jesus – because the āyah is preceded and followed by other āyāt that discuss Jesus. This would mean that Jesus is (a source of) knowledge concerning the Last Hour. At least some of the commentators have extended this further to suggest that the “return of Jesus” is a “sign” of the Last Hour. Even if the commentator does not say so, a lay reader is likely to jump to such a conclusion when they read a translation where the pronoun is either replaced by Jesus in brackets or a footnote explains that it refers to Jesus. Part of the problem is that commentators often do not mention – for whatever reasons – that the āyah can be understood otherwise. Thus, a lay reader might as well think that the āyah is “conclusive evidence” for the return of Jesus before the Day of Judgment.

It is pertinent to note that there are commentators who thought 43:61 refers to Jesus, yet did not believe the āyah refers to his return before the Day of Judgment. It is because the later part of the āyahfa‑lā tamtarunna bi‑hā – is a logical conclusion that must follow from the earlier part of the āyah wa‑innahū la‑‘ilm lil‑sā‘ah – that serves as the premise. Commentators like Mawdūdī and Iṣlāḥī thought the earlier part of the āyah could not be a reference to the “return of Jesus” because something that is going to happen in distant future could not be presented as a reason why Muhammad’s immediate audience should believe in the establishment of the Day of Judgment. To persuade them to believe in the Last Hour, Qur’an would offer as evidence what they see in their own time or what they have known from before. Thus, Mawdūdī, Iṣlāḥi, and possibly others believe that the āyah refers to the miraculous birth of Jesus, his ability to bring the dead back to life, and his ability to bring to life a bird made out of clay to argue that resurrection of the dead and establishment of the Day of Judgment is not so incredible.

An equally (if not more) plausible interpretation of the āyah is possible if the first pronoun is considered a reference to Qur’an itself. Thus, the word of God constitutes knowledge concerning the Last Hour, so people should have no doubts about the Day of Judgment. Ḥasan al‑Baṣrī and Sa‘īd Ibn Jubayr are known to have held this view. Muhammad Asad has also maintained this view in his translation and commentary of Qur’an. Thus, he translates the āyah as: “AND, BEHOLD, this [divine writ] is indeed a means to know [that] the Last Hour [is bound to come]; hence, have no doubt whatever about it, but follow Me: this [alone] is a straight way.”

The syntax of the āyah obviously favors a reference to Qur’an. A thing like Qur’an better lends to being described as knowledge than a person like Jesus. Understanding the āyah as referring to revealed word of God is also consistent with numerous other instances in Qur’an (such as 2:120, 2:145, 3:61, and 13:37) where the Book is described as knowledge. On the other hand, the person of a Messenger is hardly ever described as knowledge, even though a Messenger is a source of knowledge. The Book is also described as burhān (evidence or proof), al‑hudá (the guidance), nūr (light), al‑ḥaqq (the truth), al‑dhikr or al‑tadhkirah (the reminder), al‑furqān (the criterion) and maw‘iẓah (admonition) – how many times are Messengers described like that? Not just that, several instances in Qur’an specifically suggest epistemic value of the word of God with respect to the Day of Judgment (see 6:130, 7:52, 23:66–71, 39:71, and 67:8–9). Even the claim of a Messenger to nubūwah and his role as a warner seems dependent on the Book (see 13:43, 25:1, 26:192–194, 32:3, and 42:7). All this points to the plausibility of the view that 43:61 actually refers to the word of God as knowledge concerning the Last Hour.

Assuming that 43:61 refers to Qur’an, and not to Jesus, does not affect the way we understand the preceding (i.e. 43:57–60) and the following āyāt (i.e. 43:63–65). Even though both of these passages – 43:57–60 and 43:63­–65 – talk about Jesus, they are not otherwise continuous; each of these passages makes complete sense in isolation from the other. Thus, 43:61 does not have to be interpreted such that it would bridge the āyāt that precede it and those that follow it.

The āyah moreover remains consistent with the bigger picture of the sūrah even when interpreted as referring to Qur’an. Thus, the emphasis on the revealed word of God contained in 43:61 is continuous with the emphasis on the Book in the beginning of the sūrah (i.e. 43:3–5), the longer discussion in 43:26–45, and more specifically with 43:43–44.

Finally, it may be pointed out that 4:157–158 and 43:61 do not by themselves suggest ascent of a living Jesus and/or his return to this world. Instead, a belief in the ascent and the return of Jesus founded elsewhere (i.e. ḥadīth reports) is prerequisite to interpreting these āyāt such that they would look like references to the ascent of Jesus and his return. Referring to these āyāt as “proof” of Jesus’s ascent/return is an example of circular reasoning.

Why some people think Jesus died

The standard meaning of the word tawaffī in the Arabic language is death. The word is applied to Jesus on at least two occasions in Qur’an – 3:55 and 5:117.

3:55 records the occasion when God said to Jesus, “I shall cause thee to die (innī mutawaffīka) and shall raise thee unto Myself, and cleanse thee of those who are bent on denying the truth.” God further promised Jesus that he was going to give his followers supremacy over those who rejected him until the Day of Judgment. Subsequently, on the Day of Judgment, God would adjudicate the disputes surrounding Jesus and his message.

5:116–117, on the other hand, tell us how God will ask Jesus on the Day of Judgment if he told people to worship him and his mother. Jesus will acquit himself of such a thing, and affirm instead that he only invited people – just as he was instructed by God – to worship God alone who was his rabb as much as theirs. Jesus will go on to say that he could only bear witness to what his people said or did while he was among them. “But after Thou caused me to die (tawaffaytanī), Thou alone watched over them, for Thou art witness unto everything,” Jesus will conclude.

However, the phrases innī mutawaffīka in 3:55 and tawaffaytanī in 5:117 are generally not translated like this. Owing to their belief in the ascent of a living Jesus to the heavens and his expected return to this world, most commentators have tried to interpret tawaffī in these two āyāt mutawaffīka in 3:55 and tawaffaytanī in 5:117 – as “recalling” Jesus from his mission by appealing to the root word (وفي) consisting of the Arabic letters wāw, fā’, and yā’. Thus, a lay reader who only has access to Qur’an through translations may never realize that some Qur’anic āyāt suggest demise of Jesus.

Yet, some commentators of Qur’an have maintained the suggestion that God caused Jesus to die in their interpretation of these āyāt. Among them are Muḥammad ‘Abduh and his disciple Muḥammad Rashīd Riḍā, and Muhammad Asad. Fakhr al‑Dīn al‑Rāzī has noted in his commentary on 3:55 that ‘Abdullāh Ibn ‘Abbās, one of the foremost teachers of Qur’an among the companions of Muhammad, also shared this view.

In addition to maintaining the suggestion of Jesus’s death in 3:55 and 5:117, Asad went on to dismiss the “bodily” ascent of Jesus in his commentary on 4:158 on grounds that raf‘ (understood as referring to the bodily ascent of Jesus) has been applied to Idrīs as well in 19:57; yet no one thinks God raised Idrīs’s body unto Himself. Thus, from Asad’s point of view, “bal rafa‘ahū allāh ilayhi” in 4:158 implies the “elevation of Jesus to the realm of God’s special grace – a blessing in which all prophets partake.” Likewise, Riḍā observed in his commentary on 3:55 that raf‘ may refer to the ascent of Jesus’s soul following his death – for God caused him to die, then raised him unto Himself.

Finally, Javed Ghamidi has offered an ingenious argument independent of the interpretation of tawaffī and raf‘ in 3:55, 4:158, and 5:117. In his discussion of the signs of the Day of Judgment in Mīzān, he dismisses the prospect of Jesus’s return in view of the dialogue (recorded in 5:116–117) that will take place on the Day of Judgment between God and Jesus. God will ask Jesus if he told his people to worship him and his mother. Jesus will clarify his position by affirming that he only invited his people to worship God who was his rabb as much as theirs. While defending himself, he would further say he only witnessed what his people said or did while he was among them. As for what they said or did after God recalled Jesus from his mission, God Himself is a witness – Jesus is not. If Jesus were revisiting the world before the Day of Judgment, he would have sounded aware of what his so-called followers did behind his back in his dialogue with God. Ghamidi argues Jesus would have said in his defense that he admonished people for deifying him and his mother on his second visit to this world shortly before the Day of Judgment. Since Jesus does not bring up with God what he did about his own deification and that of his mother on his second trip to this world, Ghamidi believes that he is most likely not going to visit this world for a second time and has died a natural death like all other Messengers.

Ghamidi has similarly noted that God lays out His plan for Jesus and his followers until the Day of Judgment in 3:55. It was an occasion where God could have mentioned His plan concerning Jesus’s second trip to this world. The fact that He did not mention anything to that effect leads Ghamidi to think that sending Jesus to this world for a second time is not part of God’s plan.

While the original Arabic words of Qur’an – mutawaffīka and tawaffaytanī – deserve to be considered in their own right, Ghamidi’s argument significantly reinforces the view that 3:55 and 5:117 actually refer to Jesus’s demise.

Ahmad Shafaat and Geoffrey Parrinder have also advanced an argument that is independent of how tawaffī and raf‘ in 3:55, 4:158, and 5:117 are understood. They have noted the similarity of Jesus’s speech in 19:33 to what God says of John (Yaḥyá) in 19:15. Jesus reportedly said, Peace was upon me on the day when I was born, and [will be upon me] on the day I shall die, and on the day when I shall be raised to life [again]! And God says of John, [God’s] peace was upon him on the day when he was born, and on the day he shall die, and will be [upon him] on the day when he shall be raised to life [again].” The similarity in these two āyāt suggests the same sequence of life, death, and resurrection for Jesus as for other Messengers of God. If Jesus was not going to die the way every other Messenger died, why would God remain surreptitiously silent about it? Why would God talk of Jesus in exactly the same way as He talked about John?

The arrival of an adult Jesus on earth and the resumption of his life from where it was suspended (as many believe) is an extraordinary event. If God foretold the arrival of Muhammad in the Gospel (as Qur’an says), why would He not foretell the arrival of Jesus for a second time in Qur’an? 3:55, 5:116–117, and 19:33 were all opportune occasions in Qur’an where God could have hinted at the second arrival of Jesus, but He did not. Instead, His choice of words suggests the same kind of death and resurrection for Jesus as for other Messengers.

Irony of Method

Consistency with Qur’an is one of the stated criteria for the soundness of a ḥadīth report. Yet we have seen in our discussion of Jesus’s ascent/return how various Qur’anic āyāt have been interpreted such that they are rendered “consistent” with what are deemed as “authentic” ḥadīth reports. The text of these reports that have been accepted merely by reference (of reliable narrators) is not subjected to criticism; instead, the word of God is reconfigured so that it does not contradict these reports.

The discussion of the ascent and the return of Jesus further demonstrates how deep inroads Christian messianism has made into the body of ḥadīth literature. Yet we refuse to examine the text of ḥadīth reports. We insist that “reference” of reliable narrators is all that we need to accept reports, and that we shall “qualify” Qur’an in light of these reports as and when necessary.

The discussion moreover demonstrates how translation and commentary (tafsīr) of Qur’an may themselves become veils that block access to the real intent of God’s word.

Conclusion

We may conclude by noting that at least some āyāt of Qur’an (3:55 and 5:117) suggest Jesus has died, though not crucified. The āyāt have used the words mutawaffīka and tawaffaytanī with respect to Jesus that signify “death” in standard Arabic usage. Not letting these āyāt speak for themselves, and getting them to toe the line of ḥadīth reports instead, is methodologically anomalous – ḥadīth reports should be qualified in light of the Qur’anic text and not vice versa. Interpreting these āyāt in such a way that they would no longer suggest Jesus’s demise is unreasonable moreover in view of Ghamidi’s arguments that are independent of the interpretation of the key Qur’anic words (mutawaffīka and tawaffaytanī, which no longer seem to suffice for a lot of people).

As for the āyāt allegedly referring to the ascent of a living Jesus (4:158) and his return (43:61), we have seen that the Arabic text of these āyāt does not by itself suggest what we have come to associate with them. In fact, the āyāt may not be interpreted as such unless the translator/commentator has, for other reasons, made up his/her mind concerning the bodily ascent of Jesus and his return to this world. Moreover, there exist alternative explanations to these āyāt that are highly probable and, of course, more consistent with the broader Qur’anic discourse.

Sunday, December 04, 2011

Is Islamic law all about God's will?

Couple of days ago, I read a news story in The Telegraph about the question of women driving cars in Saudi Arabia. A professor at King Fahd University along with some other academics has come up with a report to persuade the country’s legislative assembly not to allow women to drive. Prof. Subhi argued that allowing women to drive would lead to “a surge in prostitution, pornography, homosexuality and divorce”. The report said if women were allowed to drive, there would be no virgins in Saudi Arabia after 10 years. For these reasons among others, the report pleads that women should not be allowed to drive.

I further learned that the Saudi government is considering another legislative proposal that would require women to cover their eyes, if they are too “tempting”.

The same day, I read another report about the results of elections in Egypt. I learned that the Nour Party of Salafi orientation is expected to have significant representation in the next Egyptian parliament. Yousseri Hamad, a spokesman of the party, says, in the land of Islam, people cannot decide what is permissible and what is prohibited – it is God who gives the answers as to what is right and what is wrong.

If what Hamad says is true, one might ask: Did God tell the Saudi ‘ulamā’ to not allow women to drive? Also, did God tell Saudi ‘ulamā’ to legislate that women should cover their eyes?

Or let’s not make such a big deal out of what Hamad said! Let me pose simpler questions: Did the Messenger of God – may blessings of God and peace be upon him – advise in advance not to allow women to drive automobiles when such vehicles became available? Or did he tell the women of his time not to ride camels by themselves? To prevent fitnah in the society, did he go so far as asking women to cover their eyes?

The answer to these questions is “No”.

I have asked these questions to point out a dilemma in the Islamic legislative practice: whereas authority for “Sharia” is claimed by asserting that God is the lawgiver, much of the body of Islamic laws is the product of human reasoning. Notwithstanding human contributions to Islamic law, people conveniently say “Sharia” is “divine” without further qualifications. The distinction between divine and human elements of Islamic law is never emphasized. To the contrary, much effort has been devoted to lend divine authority to human legislation. Thus, a student of Islamic disciplines witnesses much discussion aimed at showing how rulings arrived at by means of various juristic tools (e.g. qiyās, istiḥsān, istiṣlāh, sadd al-dharī‘ah etc.) are “binding” on ordinary Muslims.

I would not go so far as saying that the ‘ulamā’ have deliberately blurred the distinction between human and divine aspects of Islamic law. But it would not be wrong to say that they have chosen not to emphasize this distinction, effectively allowing it to blur.

With this confusion of human legislation with divine commandments, “certified” ‘ulamā’ of our time and their diehard followers insist on every suggestion found in the body of fiqh as though the whole body of fiqh is as much certain as the oneness of God and as much binding as the five daily prayers. Moreover, any call to revisit human aspects of Islamic law is perceived as a threat to the very core of Islamic law. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the failure to draw a line between divine and human aspects of the received tradition is impeding the advancement of Islamic thought in our own time, with the result that our youths are beginning to question the relevance of a legacy that fails to address the issues of their concern.

Muslims must learn to draw a line between strictly divine and rather human elements in the Islamic heritage. We should draw upon human contributions to Islamic legacy so that we don’t reinvent the wheel. Yet the core of Islamic law can only be constituted by strictly divine guidance, and it is this core, and not the human elements of Islamic law, that we must remain true to while we attempt to find solutions to problems of our own time. Without such distinction, we would be crippled by the burden of tradition, and advancement in Islamic thought would not be possible. And it is not only in retrospect that we should distinguish between human and divine aspects of Islamic thought, but also prospectively: while we make fresh contributions to Islamic thought, we should not start speaking for God ourselves. Since the volume of “revealed” guidance is not going to increase, fresh contributions to Islamic thought should be considered provisional and subject to revision.

Realizing the distinction between divine and human aspects of the received tradition is also important because it would enable us to prioritize the core concerns of Islamic law in our legislative activity, and protect us against poorly prioritized or excessive legislation that threatens to impinge on individual freedoms and opens the doors for coercion in matters of religion and persecution in the name of God. We should learn from the history of Christianity what happens when people go too far in speaking for God; Muslim ‘ulamā’ and lawmakers should not repeat the same mistakes as the Christian Church. Legislation of Islamic values and “enforcement” by the state must be kept at a minimum in order to uphold the cardinal Qur’anic principle of “no coercion in matters of religion”.

Excessive legislation of any sort is bound to encroach on individual freedoms, and legislation of religious ethics is no exception. Legislation and enforcement, in general, should be resorted to only when absolutely necessary. Thus, Muslim voters should demand of legislators that they exercise caution in their approach to Islamization. They should not allow lawmakers to go too far in speaking for God. The need for legislation should always be weighed against an individual's religious freedom.

I hope and wish that the newly found representation of Islamic parties in Arab parliaments does not result in rash legislation of man-made laws in the name of God.

Tuesday, November 01, 2011

متعلق از گستاخئ رسول: تنظیم اسلامی کراچی کے امیر حافظ نوید کے ویڈیو کلپ پر تبصرہ

(Download "Jameel Noori Nastaleeq" font.)


مذکورہ ویڈیو کلپ یوٹیوب پہ دیکھا جاسکتا ہے:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3euLLjkEa_I&feature=youtu.be

ویڈیو کلپ میں محترم نے فرمایا کہ مسلمانوں کے تمام مکاتب فکر کا اس حوالے سے اتفاق ہے کہ شاتم رسول کی سزا موت ہونی چاہئے! مکاتب فکر کے اس "اتفاق" کی دلیل کے طور پہ کچھ فقہی کتابوں کا حوالہ بھی دے دیتے تو اچھا ہوتا.

محترم فرماتے ہیں، "آپ (صلى الله عليه وسلم) نے کبھی کسی ایسے شخص کو معاف نہیں کیا جس نے آپ (صلى الله عليه وسلم) کی شان میں گستاخی کی ہو." اس بڑھیا کے بارے میں کیا خیال ہے جو (صلى الله عليه وسلم) پر کوڑا پھینکتی تھی؛ جب اس نے ایک دن کوڑا نہیں پھینکا تو رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) اس کی خبر لینے پہنچ گئے، اس کو بیمار پایا، تو اس کی تیمارداری کی؟

جن واقعات کا محترم نے ذکر کیا ہے، ان میں سے کچھ تو کمزور روایات سے ہم تک پہنچے ہیں، اور جو قابل بھروسہ روایات سے پہنچے ہیں، ان سے بھی پاکستان میں نافذ ناموس رسالت ایکٹ کا جواز نہیں بنتا.

کعب بن اشرف، جس کا محترم نے ذکر کیا ہے، یہودی قبیلہ بنی نضیر کا سردار تھا. رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) کی مدینہ تشریف آوری اور مدینہ میں مسلمانوں کی سیاسی قوت قائم ہونے سے اس کے اثر و رسوخ میں کمی آئی تھی، چنانچہ اسے اسلام اور رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) سے بغض تھا. بدر میں مسلمانوں کی جیت کے بعد یہ کھلم کھلا مسلمانوں کی دشمنی پر اتر آیا. اس نے مکّہ والوں سے تعزیت کرنے کے لئے مکہ کا دورہ کیا، اور میثاق مدینہ کو نظر انداذ کرکے قریش کو دوبارہ حملے کے لئے اکسایا اور انھیں دوسرے حملے کی صورت میں مدد کی یقین دہانی کرائی. پھر مدینہ واپس آکر قریش کے "شہداء" کی شان میں نظمیں کہیں، جن میں رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) اور صحابہ کو برا بھلا بھی کہا. اس نے ایسی نظمیں بھی کہیں جن میں اس نے مسلم خواتین کے بارے میں بیہودہ باتیں کیں. ایسی روایات بھی موجود ہیں جن سے پتہ چلتا ہے کہ اس نے رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) کو قتل کرنے کی منصوبہ بندی کی. چنانچہ رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) نے اس شخص کو قتل کرنے کا حکم دے دیا.

میثاق مدینہ کی خلاف ورزی اور مسلمانوں کی سیاسی قوت کے خلاف کعب بن اشرف کی تمام تر سازشوں کو نظر انداز کرکے یہ کہنا کہ اس کو محض گستاخئ رسول کی بنیاد پہ قتل کیا گیا تھا اور اس واقعہ سے پاکستان کے ناموس رسالت ایکٹ کے لئے جواز لانا، یہ بات کچھ معقول نہیں لگتی. اس شخص کا قتل مسلمانوں کی سیاسی قوت کے استحکام کے لئے ضروری تھا. تاریخ کے اوراق سے یہ بات واضح ہے کہ اسے محض گستاخئ رسول کی بنا پر قتل نہیں کیا گیا.

اسی طرح فتح مکہ کے موقع پر جن چار لوگوں کو قتل کیا گیا وہ تسلسل اور ہٹ دھرمی کے ساتھ اسلام اور اس کے شعائر کا مزاق اڑاتے رہے تھے اور اسلام دشمنی میں انھوں نے کوئی کسر نہ اٹھا رکھی تھی. ان کو بھی محض رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) کی شان میں گستاخی کی بنا پر قتل نہیں کیا گیا تھا، بلکہ وسیع تر اسلام دشمنی کی بنا پر سزا دی گئی تھی. ابن تیمیہ نے اپنی کتاب الصارم المسلول میں ان کے کرتوتوں کا تفصیل کے ساتھ ذکر کیا ہے. ان کے کرتوت سیرت کی کسی معتبر کتاب (مثلا صفی الرحمن مبارکپوری صاحب کی الرحیق المختوم) میں بھی پڑھے جاسکتے ہیں.

محترم نے ایک اور واقعہ کا بھی ذکر کیا ہے جس میں ایک نابینا مسلمان نے اپنی غیر مسلم (غالبا یہودی) لونڈی کو قتل کردیا، اور اس پر رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) نے ان سے مواخذہ نہ کیا. اس عورت کا نام عصماء بنت مروان تھا. اول تو ابو داود اور نسائی کی جن روایات میں یہ واقعہ مذکور ہے، ان کی صحت متنازعہ ہے، اور ان روایات میں باہمی تضاد پایا جاتا ہے. دوم یہ کہ اگر اس واقعہ کو صحیح تسلیم کر بھی لیا جائے، تو یہ بات نوٹ کرنی چاہئے کہ ان روایات کے مطابق یہ عورت بار بار ٹوکنے کے باوجود عادتا رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) کی شان میں گستاخی کرتی تھی، اور بالآخر صحابی نے اسے قتل کردیا، اور رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) نے اس قتل کی توثیق کردی. اس کے برعکس پاکستان میں رائج قانون ایک عادی اور ہٹ دھرم مجرم جو کھلم کھلا اور بار بار رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) کی ذات گرامی یا دیگر شعائر اسلام کا مذاق اڑائے اور اپنے کیے پر نادم نہ ہو، اور ایک ایسے فرد میں جو مسلمانوں کی بدسلوکی سے تنگ آکر زندگی میں ایک آدھ بار رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) کی ذات یا اسلام کے دیگر شعائر کے بارے میں کچھ بڑبڑادے فرق نہیں کرتا.

رسول نے اپنی زندگی میں اسلام کے شعائر یا رسول کی ذات مبارکہ کا مذاق اڑانے والے جن لوگوں کو بھی موت کی سزا دی وہ انتہائی شریر دشمنان اسلام تھے. اس کے برعکس ایسے کئی لوگ جو رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) کی شان میں گستاخی کرتے تھے لیکن مسلمانوں کے خلاف سازشوں میں ملوث نہیں تھے اور مسلمانوں کی سیاسی قوت کے لئے خطرہ نہ تھے، ان سے رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) نے صرفِ نظر کیا، بلکہ بسا اوقات دعوت کی غرض سے ان کے ساتھ اچھا سلوک روا رکھا.

یہ بات بھی غور طلب ہے امام ابو حنیفہ اور ان کے شاگردوں کے نزدیک اس سلسلے میں جو روایات وارد ہوئی ہیں وه اس بات کے لئے ناکافی ہیں کہ شاتم رسول کے لئے "حد" مقرر کی جائے. ان کے مطابق اگر کوئی شخص بار بار اور کھلم کھلا رسول (صلى الله عليه وسلم) کی شان میں گستاخی کرے، اور اپنے اس فعل پہ تائب بھی نہ ہو، تو اسے مصلحت کے پیش نظر بطور "تعزیر" سزائے موت دی جاسکتی ہے. (کچھ قاری "حدود" اور "تعزیر" کے فرق سے واقف نہیں ہوں گے، چنانچہ اس بات کا بھی ذکر کردوں: "حدود" وه سزائیں ہوتی ہیں جو اللہ نے مقرر کر دی ہیں، اور "تعزیرات" وه سزائیں ہوتی ہیں جو انسانی قانون سازی کا نتیجہ ہوتی ہیں اور قابل ترمیم ہوتی ہیں.) احناف کا یہ موقف ابن تیمیہ نے اپنی کتاب الصارم المسلول میں ذکر کیا ہے.

بدقسمتی سے پاکستان کے مذہبی لوگ بشمول علماء اس معاملے میں جذبات کی رو میں بہہ گئے ہیں، اور سوچنے سمجھنے کو تیار نہیں ہیں. ان کے پاس سیرت کی کتابوں میں وارد ہونے والے کچھ واقعات سے غلط استدلال اور کچھ کمزور احادیث کے علاوہ کوئی ٹھوس دلائل موجود نہیں ہیں.

Wednesday, July 06, 2011

فوج اور عوام میں "شدت پسندی" کا رجحان

(Download "Jameel Noori Nastaleeq" font.)

گذشتہ ماہ فوج نے بریگیڈئر علی خان کو گرفتار کیا. موصوف پہ حزب التحریر کے ساتھ تعاون یا تعلق کا الزام ہے. پھر اخبارات میں یہ پڑھنے کو بھی ملا کہ اسی سلسلے میں چار میجر حضرات سے بھی پوچھ گچھ کی گئی. اخبارات میں یہ بات زیر بحث آئی کہ پاکستانی فوج میں شدت پسندی کا رجحان کب سے شروع ہوا، کیوں ہوا، اور اس "منفی" رجحان کے فروغ میں کن سیاسی اور عسکری رہنماؤں کا کردار ہے. سیکولر حضرات کا خیال ہے کہ یہ سب کچھ ضیاء الحق صاحب کا کیا دھرا ہے. انہی نے فوج کو اور پاکستان کو اسلامیانے کی "مذموم سازش" کی تھی. سیکولر طبقہ یہ سمجھتا ہے کہ مذہب کی طرف لوگوں کو راغب کرنے کے نتیجے میں مذہبی انتہا پسندی اور مذہب کے نام پہ قتل و غارت کو تو بڑھنا ہی تھا.

پاکستانی فوج میں دین پسندی کا رجحان منفی ہے یا مثبت، فوج اور ملک کو اسلامیانے کی کوشش مذموم سازش تھی یا اچھا خیال، ان سوالات سے تعرض کرنا مجھے فی الوقت مقصود نہیں ہے. فی الحال مجھے کچھ اور بات کرنا مقصود ہے.

عوام میں یہ تاثر عام ہے کہ پاکستان نے دباؤ میں آکر افغانستان کی جنگ میں امریکہ کا ساتھ دیا ہے. ہماری سیاسی اور عسکری قیادت نے اس کے علاوہ کوئی اور تاثر دینے کی کچھ خاص کوشش بھی نہیں کی. شاید اس کے علاوہ ان کے پاس اس جنگ میں امریکہ کا ساتھ دینے کے لئے کوئی اور وجہ ہے بھی نہیں. انہوں نے جنگ میں امریکہ کا ساتھ دینے کا فیصلہ کسی اخلاقی یا اصولی بنیاد پر نہیں کیا. اگر وہ کوئی اصولی موقف بیان کرنے کی کوشش بھی کریں تو ان کی ساکھ ایسی نہیں ہے کہ لوگ ان کی بات کا یقین کر لیں. لوگ بہرحال یہی سمجھتے ہیں کہ اس جنگ میں پاکستان کی شمولیت محض امریکی دباؤ کی وجہ سے ہے. نیز عوام میں یہ تاثر بھی عام ہے کہ ہماری قیادت امریکہ کے گھر کی لونڈی ہے.

پھر یہ بات بھی سمجھ لینی چاہئے کہ تمام تر کوششوں کے باوجود مسلم معاشروں میں "قومیت" مقبول نہیں ہوسکی. مسلمانوں کے لئے ان کا مذہب بالعموم ان کی قومی شناخت سے زیادہ اہم رہا ہے. دین کی طرف رغبت رکھنے والا کوئی بھی مسلمان جب ریاست کے مفاد اور دین کی توقعات میں ٹکراؤ محسوس کرتا ہے تو دین کی توقعات کو ترجیح دیتا ہے. چنانچہ پرویز مشرف صاحب کا نعرہ "سب سے پہلے پاکستان" کچھ خاص مقبول نہیں ہوسکا. طالبان کا دست و بازو بننے والے نوجوان جو ریاست سے متصادم ہیں، وہ پاکستانی ہی ہیں جن کو حکمرانوں کی امریکہ دوستی گوارا نہیں ہے، جو امریکی جنگ میں پاکستان کی حمایت سے خوش نہیں ہیں. ان کے لئے پاکستان اور پاکستانی ریاست کم اور ان کی سمجھ بوجھ کے مطابق ان کے دین کی توقعات زیادہ اہم ہیں. اسی نفسیات کے زیر اثر امریکہ اور دیگر مغربی ممالک میں پلنے بڑھنے والے مسلم نوجوان اکثر اپنی ریاست سے وفاداری کا طوق گردن سے اتار کر کہیں بم دھماکہ کر بیٹھتے ہیں، کبھی اپنے ہی ملک کے شہریوں پر گولیاں چلانے لگتے ہیں، یہ سوچ کر کہ اس طرح وہ امریکہ اور دیگر مغربی ممالک سے ان کی ناانصافیوں کا بدلہ لے سکیں گے اور انھیں عالم اسلام کے ساتھ مزید زیادتیاں کرنے سے باز رکھ سکیں گے.

پاکستانی فوج کے جوان اور افسر بھی ایک مسلم معاشرے سے تعلق رکھتے ہیں. فوج کے سارے نہ سہی، بہت سارے جوان اور افسر بحیثیت مسلمان جہاد کے شوقین ہیں، اور اپنے کام کو ایک مذہبی فریضہ سمجھ کر کرتے ہیں. عوام کی طرح فوج میں بھی ایسے جوان اور افسر موجود ہیں جو افغانستان میں امریکہ کی جنگ سے ناخوش ہیں، اور چنانچہ اس جنگ میں پاکستان کی حمایت سے بھی ناخوش ہیں. عوام کی طرح فوج میں بھی یقینا ایسے لوگ موجود ہیں جن کو ہماری سیاسی اور عسکری قیادت کی امریکہ دوستی گوارا نہیں ہے. ان کو اگر ان کی دینی اور قومی غیرت اور ان کا جذبۂ جہاد اکسائے کہ وہ قیادت کی بزدلی کا کچھ توڑ کریں، اور وہ حزب التحریر، طالبان، القاعدہ، اور ایسی دیگر تنظیموں کی طرف راغب ہو جائیں تو یہ کوئی تعجب کی بات نہیں ہے. میڈیا نے اس بات کی نشاندہی بھی کی ہے کہ بریگیڈئر علی خان گذشتہ کچھ سالوں سے فوج اور حکومت کو امریکہ کے ساتھ کمزور رویے پر ملامت کر رہے تھے، اور بالآخر انہوں نے کور کمانڈرز کے اجلاس میں شدت کے ساتھ پاکستان کی حدود میں اسامہ کے خلاف ہونے والی امریکی کاروائی پر اپنے خیالات کا اظہار کر ڈالا، پھر اسی شام انھیں زیر حراست لے لیا گیا. ان حالات و واقعات کو پیش نظر رکھا جائے تو یہ سوچنا ناگزیر ہو جاتا ہے کہ بریگیڈئر صاحب کے خلاف کاروائی کا پس منظر کچھ اور ہی ہے، اور بہت ممکن ہے کہ ان کا حزب التحریر سے کوئی تعلق نہ ہو. بہر حال اگر یہ ثابت ہو بھی جائے کہ موصوف کا حزب التحریر کی طرف رجحان تھا، تو اس میں تعجب کی کیا بات ہے؟ اگر سیاسی اور عسکری قیادت امریکہ کے ساتھ جی حضوری کا سلسلہ جاری رکھیں گے، تو یہ سب تو ہونا ہی ہے. یاد رہے کہ گذشتہ برس جنوری میں بھی دو کرنل حضرات پر حزب التحریر کی رکنیت کا الزام لگا تھا. پھر کراچی میں مہران بیس پر حملے کے حوالے سے بھی یہی بات سامنے آرہی ہے کہ حملہ آوروں کو اندر سے مدد حاصل تھی. امریکہ کو بھی یہی شکوہ ہے کہ پاکستانی فوج اور آئی ایس آئی پر اعتماد نہیں کیا جاسکتا کیونکہ یہ چپکے چپکے طالبان اور القاعدہ کی مدد کرتے ہیں. امریکہ اور پاک فوج کے درمیان اعتماد کیونکر ممکن ہو جب فوج کے جوان اور افسر بھی باقی قوم کی طرح امریکی جنگ کو ناجائز سمجھتے ہیں. حقیقت تو یہ ہے کہ امریکی جنگ میں پاکستان کی غیر اصولی حمایت نے فوج کی اکائی کو بھی متاثر کر دیا ہے.

اگر سیاسی اور عسکری قیادت امریکہ کی باجگزاری سے جلد باز نہ آئے، تو فوج اور عوام میں طالبان، القاعدہ، حزب التحریر، اور اسی قسم کی دوسری تنظیموں کی طرف رجحان اور بڑھے گے، فوج کی اکائی بھی مزید متاثر ہوگی. امریکہ کے آگے سر جھکانے والےسیاسی اور عسکری قائدین کے بس کی بات نہیں ہے کہ وہ عوام کو صحیح روش پر قائم رہنے کہیں. امریکی دباؤ کا شکار ریاست اپنے گھر کی اصلاح نہیں کرسکتی، کیونکہ اصلاح کی کسی بھی کوشش کو عوام امریکی دباؤ کا نتیجہ تصور کریں گے. بیرونی دباؤ سے آزاد ہو کر ہی خود احتسابی کا عمل شروع ہوسکتا ہے. میں سمجھتا ہوں کہ پاکستان میں منفی رجحانات کی اصلاح کے لئے کوششیں اسی وقت صحیح معنوں میں بارآور ہوسکیں گی جب امریکہ افغانستان سے نکل جائے یا پاکستان امریکہ کا ساتھ چھوڑ دے. مزید یہ کہ خود احتسابی کا عمل اسی صورت کامیاب ہوسکتا ہے جب قیادت اعلی کردار کا مظاہرہ کرے اور فیصلے اصولی بنیادوں پر کیے جائیں. اگر ریاست "نظریۂ ضرورت" کے تحت فیصلے کرنے کا سلسلہ جاری رکھے گی، تو عوام کو نصیحت نہیں کی جاسکتی.

آخر میں یہ بات بھی سمجھ لینا ضروری ہے کہ جس فتنہ کا محرک مذہب کا غلط فہم ہو، اس کا علاج مذہب کے صحیح فہم کے ذریعے ہی ممکن ہے. پاکستان کا سیکولر طبقہ اور حکومتی حلقے عام طور پر پاکستان کو درپیش مسائل کے حل کے لئے سیکولرزم کا پرچار اور دینی تعلیم اور مخصوص اسلامی نظریات (مثلا جہاد) کی حوصلہ شکنی تجویز کرتے ہیں. ایسی حکمت عملی کو عوام سوائے سازش کے اور کچھ تصور نہیں کرسکتے. جس آدمی کے لئے دین اہم ہو، اس کو دین سے دور کرنے کی کوشش کی جائے، تو وہ اسے سازش نہیں تو اور کیا تصور کرے گا. خود احتسابی اور اصلاح کی ایسی کوئی بھی کوشش جو مذہب کی حوصلہ شکنی تصور کی جائے، اس کا ثمرآور ہونا محال ہے. پاکستان کو درپیش مسائل کا حل مذہب کی حوصلہ شکنی سے نہیں بلکہ حوصلہ افزائی سے ممکن ہے. جب مذہب کے معاملے میں لوگوں کی کم فہمی اور کم علمی کا علاج ہوگا تو مذہب کے نام پہ پروان چڑھنے والے منفی رجحانات خود بخود دم توڑ دیں گے، اور لوگوں کی مذہبیت مثبت اور تعمیری رستوں پہ چل نکلے گی.

پاکستان کی تاریخ میں یہ کٹھن وقت معاملہ فہمی اور حکمت کا متقاضی ہے.